Changes

== 1 Square bamboo ==1. Some products of China had reached Iranian peoples long before any Chinese set their foot on Iranian soil. When Can Čaṅ K'ien in 128 B.C. reached Ta-hia (Bactria), he was amazed to see there staves or walkingsticks made from bamboo of Kiun JJS 1t ££^ Kiuṅ <> and cloth of Su Šu (Se-cč'wan) §3 ^<><ref>He certainly did not see "a stick of bamboo," as understood by Hirth (Journal Am. Or. Soc, Vol. XXXVII, 1917, p. 98), but it was a finished product imported in a larger quantity.</ref>. What this textile exactly was is not known.2 <ref>Assuredly it was not silk, as arbitrarily inferred by F. v. Richthofen (China, Vol. I, p. 465). The word ''pu'' never refers to silk materials.</ref> Both these articles hailed from what is now Se-5č'wan, Kiun Kiuṅ being situated in Zun Sou Ufa. #H Žuṅ čou <> in the prefecture of Kia-tihtiṅ, in the southern part of the province. When the Chinese envoy inquired from the people of Ta-hia how they had obtained these objects of his own country, they replied that they purchased them in India. Hence Can Čaṅ K'ien concluded that India could not be so far distant from Se-cč'wan. It is well known how this new geographical notion subsequently led the Chinese to the discovery of YunYün-nan. There was accordingly an ancient trade-route running from Se-cč'wan through YunYün-nan into north-eastern India; and, as India on her north-west frontier was in connection with Iranian territory, Chinese merchandise could thus reach Iran. The bamboo of KiunKiuṅ, also called £!j<>, has been identified by the Chinese with the so-called square bamboo (''Bambusa '' or ''Phyllostachys quadrangularis'') . 3 <ref>For an interesting article on this subject, see D. J. Macgowan, ''Chinese Recorder'', Vol. XVI, 1885, pp. 141-142; further, the same journal, 1886, pp. 140-141. E. Satow, Cultivation of Bamboos in Japan, p. 92 (Tokyo, 1899). The square bamboo (Japanese ''šikaku-dake'') is said to have been introduced into Japan from Liukiu. Forbes and Hemsley, ''Journal Linnean Soc''., Vol. XXXVI, p. 443.</ref> The cylindrical form is so universal a feature in bamboo, that the report of the existence in China and Japan of a bamboo with four-angled stems was first considered in Europe a myth, or a pathological abnormity. It is now well assured that it represents a regular and normal species, which grows wild in the north-eastern portion of YunYün-nan, and is cultivated chiefly as an ornament in gardens and in temple-courts, the longer stems being used

The Pet ''Pei hu lu 1 ''<ref>Ch. 3, p. 10 b (ed. of Lu Sin-yüan); see above, p. 268.</ref> has the following notice on staves of the square bamboo: "CČ'eh cou §£ #H eṅ čou <> (in KwahKwaṅ-si) produces the square bamboo. Its trunk is as sharp as a knife, and is very strong. It can be made into staves which will never break. These are the staves from the bamboo of K'iuh 3%iuṅ <>, mentioned by Can Čaṅ K'ien. Such are produced also in Yun cou ra$ 'MYuṅ čou <><ref>In the prefecture of Liu-čou, Kwaṅ-si.</ref>, 2 the largest of these reaching several tens of feet in height. According to the Ceh hh ''Čeṅ šeṅ tsi jE M ft'' <>, there are in the southern territory square bamboo staves on which the white cicadas chirp, and which CČ'en Ceneṅ Čeṅ-tsie W<> M tp has extolled. Moreover, Hai-yen 9$ H3 <><ref>Explained in the commentary as the name of a locality, but its situation is not indicated and is unknown to me.</ref> produces rushes (''lu M.'' <>, ''Phragmites communis'') capable of being made into staves for support. P'an cou M ^H 4 čou <><ref>The present Mou-miṅ hien, forming the prefectural city of Kao-čou fu, Kwaṅ-tuṅ.</ref> produces thousand-years ferns ^ He W. <> and walking-sticks which are small and resemble the palmyra palm jt & <> (''Borassus rflabelliformisflabelliformis'') . There is, further, the ''su-tsie '' bamboo J8l W 1T<>, from which staves are abundantly made for the Buddhist and Taoist clergy,— all singular objects. According to the Hut ''Hui tsui H" Jt'' <>, the t'un M uṅ <> bamboo from the Cen Čen River $£ JH <> is straight, without knots in its upper parts, and hollow."

The ''Ko ku yao lun5 lun''<ref>Ch. 8, p. 9 (ed. of ''Si yin hüan ts'uṅ šu'').</ref> states that the square bamboo is produced in western Se-cč'wan, and also grows on the mountain Fei-lai-fuh 3$ 2fS Hr fuṅ <> on the West Lake in CeČe-kiahkiaṅ; the knots of this bamboo are prickly, hence it is styled in Se-6č'wan ''tse lu JW 1T ču'' <> ("prickly bamboo").

According to the ''Min siao ki P5 /h IS'' <><ref>Ed. of Šwo liṅ, 6 p. 17.</ref> written by Cou LianČou Liaṅ-kun ffl $& X kuṅ <> in the latter part of the seventeenth century, square bamboo and staves made from it are produced in the district of YunYuṅ-tih ^C % tiṅ <> in the prefecture of T'ihiṅ-Cou čou and in the district of T'ai-nih ^ ^ niṅ <> in the prefecture of Sao-wu, both in Fu-kien Province.7The Šan hai kiṅ mentions the "narrow bamboo (hia ču <>) growing in abundance on the Tortoise Mountain"; and Kwo P'o (A.D. 276-324), in his commentary to this work, identifies with it the bamboo of Kiuṅ. According to the Kwaṅ či, the Kiuṅ bamboo occurred in the districts of Nan-kwaṅ <> (at present Nan-k'i <>) and Kiuṅ-tu in Se-č'wan. The Memoirs of Mount Lo-fou (''Lo-fou šan ki'') in Kwaṅ-tuṅ state that the Kiuṅ bamboo was originally produced on Mount Kiuṅ, being identical with that noticed by Čaṅ K'ien in Ta-hia, and that village-elders use it as a staff. A treatise on bamboo therefore calls it the "bamboo supporting the old" <>. These texts are cited in the ''T'ai p'iṅ yü lan'' (Ch. 963, p. 3).<ref>The ''Šan hai kiṅ'' mentions the "narrow bamboo (hia cu $$£ 1T) growing inabundance on the Tortoise Mountain"; and Kwo P'o (A.D. 276-324), in his commentaryto this work, identifies with it the bamboo of Kiuṅ. According to the''Kwaṅ či'', the Kiuṅ bamboo occurred in the districts of Nan-kwaṅ <> (at presentNan-k'i <>) and Kiuṅ-tu in Se-č'wan. The Memoirs of Mount Lo-fou (''Lo-foušan ki'') in Kwaṅ-tuṅ state that the Kiuṅ bamboo was originally produced on MountKiuṅ, being identical with that noticed by Čan K'ien in Ta-hia, and that village-eldersuse it as a staff. A treatise on bamboo therefore calls it the "bamboo supportingthe old" <>. These texts are cited in the ''T'ai p'iṅ yü lan'' (Ch. 963, p. 3).</ref>

It is said to occur also in the prefecture of TehTeṅ-cou $£ 4Hčou <>, SanŠan-tun tuṅ Province, where it is likewise made into walking-sticks. 1 <ref>''Šan tuṅ t'uṅ či'', Ch. 9, p. 6.</ref> The latter being much in demand by Buddhist monks, the bamboo has received the epithet "Lo-han bamboo" (bamboo of the Arhat).<ref>See ''K'ien šu'' <>, Ch. 4, p. 7 b (in ''Yüe ya t'aṅ ts'uṅ šu'', ''t'ao'' 24) and ''Sü K'ien šu'', Ch. 7, p.2b (''ibid.''). Cf. also ''Ču p'u siaṅ lu'' <>, written by Li K'an <> in 1299 (Ch. 4, p. I b; ed. of ''Či pu tsu čai ts'uṅ šu'').</ref>

It is perfectly manifest that what was exported from Se-6č'wan by way of YunYün-nan into India, and thence forwarded to Bactria, was the square bamboo in the form of walking-canes. India is immensely rich in bamboos; and only a peculiar variety, which did not exist in India, could have compensated for the trouble and cost which this long and wearisome trade-route must have caused in those days. For years, I must confess, it has been a source of wonder to me why Se-cč'wan bamboo should have been carried as far as Bactria, until I encountered the text of the Pet ''Pei hu lu'', which gives a satisfactory solution of the problem.3 == 2 ==2. <ref>The most important article by which the Chinese became] famously known in ancient times, speculations of course, was silkJ. This subject is so extensiveMarquart (Eranšahr, and has so frequently been treated in special monographs, that it does not require recapitulation in this placepp. I shall only recall the fact that the Chinese silk materials, after traversing Central Asia, reached the Iranian Parthians, who acted as mediators 319-320) in regard to this trade with bamboo necessarily fall to the anterior Orientground.^\It There is assumed that no misunderstanding on the introduction part of sericulture into PersiaČan K'ien, especially into Gilan, where it still flourishes, falls in and the latter part account of the Sasanian epoch. It ''Ši ki'' is very probable that the acquaintance of the Khotanese with the rearing of silkworms, introduced by a Chinese princess in a.d. 419, gave the impetus to a further growth of this new industry in a western direction, gradually spreading to Yarkand, Fergana, perfectly correct and Persiaclear.5 Chinese brocade (diba-i llri) is fre- --'*"' quently mentioned by FirdausI as playing a prominent part in Persian decorations.6 He also speaks of a very fine and decorated Chinese silk under the name parniyan, corresponding to Middle Persian parntkan? Iranian has a peculiar word for "silk," not yet satisfactorily explained: Pahlavi *apresum, *aparesum; New Persian abre*</ref>urn, abreiam (Arme-

== Silk ==2 See K'ien Su 3^ ilF. The most important article by which the Chinese became famously known in ancient times, Chof course, was silk. 4This subject is so extensive, and has so frequently been treated in special monographs, that it does not require recapitulation in this place. I shall only recall the fact that the Chinese silk materials, after traversing Central Asia, reached the Iranian Parthians, who acted as mediators in this trade with the anterior Orient.<ref>Hirth, Chinesische Studien, p. 7 b (10.</ref> It is assumed that the introduction of sericulture into Persia, especially into Gilan, where it still flourishes, falls in Yue ya fan ts'un Suthe latter part of the Sasanian epoch. It is very probable that the acquaintance of the Khotanese with the rearing of silkworms, introduced by a Chinese princess in A.D. 419, gave the impetus to a further growth of this new industry in a western direction, gradually spreading to Yarkand, Fergana, t'ao 24) and Su K'ien hiPersia.<ref>Spiegel, ChEranische Altertumskunde, Vol. 7I, p. 2 b (ibid256.</ref> Chinese brocade (''dībā-i čīn'')is frequently mentioned by FirdausI as playing a prominent part in Persian decorations. Cf<ref>J. also tu J. Modi, Asiatic Papers, p'u sian lu 1t Wt f£ £&. written by Li K'an ^ ffX "! I299 254 (ChBombay, 1905). 4</ref> He also speaks of a very fine and decorated Chinese silk under the name ''parniyān'', corresponding to Middle Persian ''parnīkān''.<ref>Hübschmann, Persische Studien, p. I b; ed242. of Ci pu tsu lai ts</ref> Iranian has a peculiar word for "silk," not yet satisfactorily explained: Pahlavi *aprēšum, *aparēšum; New Persian 'un Su).'abrēšum, abrēšam'' (Arme-

4 Hirth, Chinesische Studien, p. 10. 5 Spiegel, Eranische Altertumskunde, Vol. I, p. 256. 6 J. J. Modi, Asiatic Papers, p. 254 (Bombay, 1905).<references/>

nian, loan-word from Persian, aprUum''aprišum'')\ ; hence Arabic ibarisam ''ibarīsam'' or ibrlsam''ibrīsam''; Pamir dialects warSum''waršum'', war$um''waršüm'', Sugni wrelomŠugni ''wrežōm'', etc.; Afghan writs'am'wrēšam''.<ref>Hübschmann, Arm. Gram., p. 107; Horn, Neupers. Etymologie, No. 65. The derivation from Sanskrit ''kṣauma'' is surely wrong. Bulgar ''ibrišim'', Rumanian ''ibrišin'', are likewise connected with the Iranian series. 1 </ref> Certain it is that we have here a type not related to any Chinese word for "silk." In this connection I wish to register my utter disbelief in the traditional opinion, inaugurated by Klaproth, that Greek ''ser '' (" silk- worm " ; hence Seres, Serica) should be connected with Mongol Urgek ''širgek'' and Manchu ''sirge '' ("silk"), the latter with Chinese ''se M'' <>.<ref>Cf. Klaproth, Conjecture sur l'origine du nom de la soie chez les anciens (''Journal asiatique'', Vol. I, 1822, pp. 243-245, with additions by Abel-Rémusat, 245-247); Asia polyglotta, p. 341; and Mémoires relatifs à l'Asie, Vol. Ill, p. 264. Klaproth's opinion has been generally, but thoughtlessly, accepted (Hirth, ''op. cit.'', p, 217; F. v. Richthofen, China, Vol. I, p. 443; Schrader, Reallexikon, p. 757). Pelliot (''T'oung Pao'', 1912, p. 741), I believe, was the first to point out that Chinese ''se'' was never possessed of a final consonant.2 </ref> My reasons for rejecting this theory may be stated as briefly as possible. I do not see how a Greek word can be explained from Mongol or Manchu,—languages — languages which we merely know in their most recent forms, Mongol from the thirteenth and Manchu from the sixteenth century. Neither the Greek nor the Mongol-Manchu word can be correlated with Chinese ''se''. The latter was never provided with a final consonant. Klaproth resorted to the hypothesis that in ancient dialects of China along the borders of the empire a final ''r '' might (pent''peut- tireêtre'') have existed. This, however, was assuredly not the case. We know that the termination V jrcl''’r'' <>, so frequently associated with nouns in Pekingese, is of comparatively recent origin, and not older than the Yuan Yüan period (thirteenth century) ; the beginnings of this usage may go back to the end of the twelfth or even to the ninth century. 3 <ref>See my note in ''T'oung Pao'', 1916, p. 77; and H. Maspero, Sur quelques textes anciens de chinois parlé, p. 12. Maspero encountered the word ''mao'r'' ("cat") in a text of the ninth century. It hardly makes any great difference whether we conceive ''’r'' as a diminutive or as a suffix. Originally it may have had the force of a diminutive, and have gradually developed into a pure suffix. Cf. also P. Schmidt, K istorii kitaiskago razgovornago yazyka, in Sbornik stat'ei professorov, p. 19 (Vladivostok, 1917).</ref> At any rate, it did not exist in ancient times when the Greek ''ser '' came into being. Moreover, this suffix V ''’r'' is not used arbitrarily : it joins certain words, while others take the suffix tse ?"<>, and others again do not allow any suffix. The word ''se'', however, has never been amalgamated with V''’r''. In all probability, its ancient phonetic value was *si, sa. It is thus phonetically impossible to derive from it the Mongol-Manchu word or Korean ''sir'', added by Abel-R6musatRémusat. I do not deny that this series may have its root in a Chinese word, but its parentage cannot be traced to ''se''. I do

not believe, either, that Russian folk ''šolk'' ("silk"), as is usually stated (even by Dal'), is derived from Mongol lirgek''širgek'': first of all, the alleged phonetic coincidence is conspicuous by its absence; and, secondly, an ancient Russian word cannot be directly associated with Mongol; it would be necessary to trace the same or a similar word in Turkish, but there it does not exist; "silk" in Turkish is ipak''ipäk, torgu, torka'', etc. It is more probable that the Russian word (Old Slavic Mk''šelk'', Lithuanian szilkai''szilkaĩ''), in the same manner as our ''silk'', is traceable to ''sericum''. There is no reason to assume that the Greek words ''ser, Sera, Seres'', etc., have their origin in Chinese. This series was first propagated by Iranians, and, in my opinion, is of Iranian origin (cf. New Persian ''sarah'', "silk"; hence Arabic ''sarak'').

Persian kimxaw ''kimxāw'' or kamxab''kamxāb, kamxdkamxā, kimxd kimxā'' (Arabic kimxaw''kimxāw'', Hindustani kamxdb''kamxāb''), designating a "gold brocade," as I formerly explained, 1 may be derived from Chinese $S ^£ kin-hwa<ref>''T'oung Pao'', 1916, *kim-xwap. == 3-4 ==3-4. Of fruits477; Yule, the West is chiefly indebted to China for the peacm I (Amygdalus persica) and the apricot (Prunus armeniaca). It is not\ impossible that these two gifts were transmitted by the silkHobson-dealersJobson, first to Iran (in the second or first century Bp.C.), and thence to Armenia, Greece, and Rome (in the first century a.d.) . InRome the two trees appear \ as late as the first century of the Imperium, being mentioned as Persicaj and Armeniaca arbor by Pliny 2 and Columella. Neither tree is mentioned by Theophrastus, which is to say that they were not noted in Asia by the staff of Alexander's expedition. 3 De Candolle has ably pleaded for China as the home of the peach and apricot, and Engler4 holds the same opinion484. The zone of the wild apricot </ref> may well extend be derived from Russian Turkistan to Sungaria, south-eastern Mongolia, and the Himalaya; but the historical fact remains that the Chinese have been the first to cultivate this fruit from ancient times. Previous authors \ have justly connected the westward migration of peach and apricot I with the lively intercourse of China and western Asia following Ca6j K<> 'ien's mission.5 Persian has only descriptive names for these fruits, the peach being termed lajtkin-aluhwa'', ("large plum"), the apricot zard*kim-aluxwa.

2 xv== Peach and apricot ==3-4. Of fruits, 11the West is chiefly indebted to China for the peach (''Amygdalus persica'') and the apricot (''Prunus armeniaca''). It is not impossible that these two gifts were transmitted by the silk-dealers, first to Iran (in the second or first century B.C.), and thence to Armenia, Greece, and Rome (in the first century A.D.). In Rome the two trees appear as late as the first century of the Imperium, being mentioned as ''Persica'' and ''Armeniaca arbor'' by Pliny<ref>XV, II, 13.</ref> and Columella. Neither tree is mentioned by Theophrastus, which is to say that they were not noted in Asia by the staff of Alexander's expedition.<ref>De Candolle (Origin of Cultivated Plants, p. 222) is mistaken in crediting Theophrastus with the knowledge of the peach. Joret (Plantes dans l'antiquité, p. 79) has already pointed out this error, and it is here restated for the benefit of those botanists who still depend on de Candolle's book.</ref> De Candolle has ably pleaded for China as the home of the peach and apricot, and Engler<ref>In Hehn, Kulturpflanzen, p. 433.</ref> holds the same opinion. The zone of the wild apricot may well extend from Russian Turkistan to Sungaria, south-eastern Mongolia, and the Himalaya; but the historical fact remains that the Chinese have been the first to cultivate this fruit from ancient times. Previous authors have justly connected the westward migration of peach and apricot with the lively intercourse of China and western Asia following Čaṅ K'ien's mission.<ref>Joret, ''op. cit.'', p. 81; Schrader in Hehn, p. 434.</ref> Persian has only descriptive names for these fruits, the peach being termed šaft-ālu, ("large plum"), the apricot zard-ālu

4 In Hehn, Kulturpflanzen, p. 433. 5 Joret, op. cit., p. 81; Schrader in Hehn, p. 434.<references/>

("yellow plum").<ref>In the Pamir languages we meet a common name for the apricot, Minjan ''čerí'', Waxī ''čiwān'' or ''čoān'' (but Sariqolī ''nōš'', Šigni ''naž''). The same type occurs in the Dardu languages (''jui'' or ''ji'' for the tree, ''jarote'' or ''jorote'' for the fruit, and ''juru'' for the ripe fruit) and in Kāçmīrī (''tser, tser-1 kul'') ; further, in West-Tibetan ''ču-li'' or ''čo-li'', Balti ''su-ri'', Kanaurī ''čul'' (other Tibetan words for "apricot" are ''k'am-bu, a-šu'', and ''ša-rag'', the last-named being dried apricots with little pulp and almost as hard as a stone). Klaproth (''Journal asiatique'', Vol. II, 1823, p. 159) has recorded in Bukhāra a word for the apricot in the form ''tserduli''. It is not easy to determine how this type has migrated. Tomaschek (Pamir-Dialekte, p. 791) is inclined to think that originally it might have been Tibetan, as Baltistan furnishes the best apricots. For my part, I have derived the Tibetan from the Pamir languages (''T'oung Pao'', 1916, p. 82). The word is decidedly not Tibetan; and as to its origin, I should hesitate only between the Pamir and Dardu languages.</ref> Both fruits are referred to in Pahlavi literature (above, pp. 192, 193).

As to the transplantation of the Chinese peach into India, we have an interesting bit of information in the memoirs of the Chinese pilgrim Hiian TsahHüan Tsaṅ.2 <ref>''Ta T'aṅ Si yü ki'', Ch. 4, p. 5.</ref> At the time of the great Indo-Scythian king KaniskaKaniṣka, whose fame spread all over the neighboring countries, the tribes west of the Yellow River (Ho-si in Kan-su) dreaded his power, and sent hostages to him. Kaniska Kaniṣka treated them with marked attention, and assigned to them special mansions and guards of honor. The country where the hostages resided in the winter received the name Cinabhukti Cīnabhukti ("China allotment," in the eastern PanjabPanjāb). In this kingdom and throughout India there existed neither pear nor peach. These were planted by the hostages. The peach therefore was called clnani ''cīnanī'' ("Chinese fruit"); and the pear, clnarajaputra ''cīnarājaputra'' ("crown-prince of China"). These names are still prevalent. 3 <ref>There are a few other Indian names of products formed with "China": ''cīnapiṣṭa'' ("minium"), ''cīnaka'' ("Panicum miliaceum, fennel, a kind of camphor"), ''cīnakarpūra'' ("a kind of camphor"), ''cīnavaṅga'' ("lead").</ref> Although Hiian Tsan Hüan Tsaṅ recorded in aA.dD. 630 an oral tradition overheard by him in India, and relative to a time lying back over half a millennium, his well-tested trustworthiness cannot be doubted in this case: the story thus existed in India, and may indeed be traceable to an event that took place under the reign of KaniskaKaniṣka, the exact date of which is still controversial.4 <ref>Cf. V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 3d ed., p. 263 (I do not believe with Smith that "the territory of the ruler to whose family the hostages belonged seems to have been not very distant from Kashgar"; the Chinese term Ho-si, at the time of the Han, comprised the present province of Kan-su from Lan-čou to An-si); T. Watters, On Yüan Chwang's Travels, Vol. I, pp. 292-293 (his comments on the story of the peach miss the mark, and his notes on the name Cīna are erroneous; see also Pelliot, ''Bull. de l'Ecole franqaise'', Vol. V, p. 457).</ref> There are mainly two reasons which prompt me to accept Hiian TsahHüan Tsaṅ's account. From a botanical point of view, the peach is not a native of India. It occurs there only

in a cultivated state, and does not even succeed well, the fruit being mediocre and acid. 1 There is no ancient Sanskrit name for the tree; nor does it play any rdle rôle in the folk-lore of India, as it does in China. Further, as regards the time of the introduction, whether the reign of ''Kaniska '' be placed in the first century before or after our era, it is singularly synchronous with the transplantation of the tree into western Asia.

2 Leclerc1 C. Joret, Traite" des simplesPlantes dans l'antiquité, Vol. II, pp. 68, 272. The loan-word darilenik in Armenian proves that the word was known in Middle Persian (*dar-i £gnik) ; cf. Hubschmann, Armen. Gram., p. 137. * G. Ferrand, Textes relatifs a l'Extreme-Orient, p. 31281.

== Cinnamon ==5 . As indicated by the Persian name ''dār-čīnī'' or ''dār-čīn'' ("Chinese wood" or "bark"; Arabic ''dār ṣīnī''), cinnamon was obtained by the Persians and Arabs from China.<ref>Leclerc, Traité des simples, Vol. II, pp. 68, 272. The loan-word ''daričenik'' in Armenian proves that the word was known in Middle Persian (*dār-i čēnik) ; cf. Hubschmann, Armen. Gram., p. 137.</ref> Ibn Khordādzbeh, who wrote between a.d. 844 and 848, is the first Arabic author who enumerates cinnamon among the products exported from China.<ref>G. Ferrand, Textes relatifs à l'Extrême-Orient, p. 31.</ref> The Chinese export cannot have assumed large dimensions: it is not alluded to in Chinese records, Čao Žu-kwa is reticent about it.<ref>Schoff (Periplus, p. 83) asserts that between the third and sixth centuries there was an active sea-trade in this article in Chinese ships from China to Persia. No reference is given. I wonder from what source this is derived.</ref> Ceylon was always the main seat of cinnamon production, and the tree (''Cinnamomum zeylanicum'') is a native of the Ceylon forests.<ref>De Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants, p. 146; Watt, Commercial Products of India, p. 313.</ref> The bark of this tree is also called ''dar-čīnī''. It is well known that cassia and cinnamon are mentioned by classical authors, and have given rise to many sensational speculations as to the origin of the cinnamon of the ancients. Herodotus<ref>III, 107, 111.</ref> places cinnamon in Arabia, and tells a wondrous story as to how it is gathered. Theophrastus<ref>Hist. plant., IX. IV, 2.</ref> seeks the home of cassia and cinnamomum, together with frankincense and myrrh, in the Arabian peninsula about Saba, Hadramyt, Kitibaina, and Mamali. Strabo<ref>XV. IV, 19; XVI. IV, 25; XV. I, 22.</ref> locates it in the land of the Sabæans, in Arabia, also in Ethiopia and southern India; finally he has a "cinnamon-bearing country" at the end of the habitable countries of the south, on the shore of the Indian ocean.<ref>I, IV, 2.</ref> Pliny<ref>XII, 42.</ref> has cinnamomum or cinnamum grow in the country of the Ethiopians, and it is carried over sea on rafts by the Troglodytae.

7 Hist, plant., IX. IV, 2. 8 XV. iv, 19; XVI. IV, 25; XV. I, 22. 9 1, iv, 2. 10 xii, 42.<references/>

The descriptions given of cinnamon and cassia by Theophrastus1 Theophrastus<ref>Hist. plant., IX. V, 1-3.</ref> show that the ancients did not exactly agree on the identity of these plants, and Theophrastus himself speaks from hearsay ("In regard to cinnamon and cassia they say the following: both are shrubs, it is said, and not of large size. . . . Such is the account given by some. Others say that cinnamon is shrubby or rather like an under-brush, and that there are two kinds, one black, the other white"). The difference between cinnamon and cassia seems to have been that the latter possessed stouter branches, was very fibrous, and difficult to strip off the bark. This bark was used; it was bitter, and had a pungent odor.2<ref>Theophrastus, IX. V, 3.</ref>

Certain it is that the two words are of Semitic origin. 3 <ref>Greek ''κασία'' is derived from Hebrew ''qeṣî'ā'', perhaps related to Assyrian ''kasu'', ''kasiya'' (Pognon, Journal asiatique, 1917, I, p. 400). Greek ''kinnamomon'' is traced to Hebrew ''qinnamōn'' (Exodus, XXX, 23).</ref> The fact that there is no cinnamon in Arabia and Ethiopia was already known to Garcia da Orta.4 <ref>Markham, Colloquies, pp. 119-120.</ref> An unfortunate attempt has been made to trace the cinnamon of the ancients to the Chinese.5 <ref>Thus also Flückiger and Hanbury (Pharmacographia, p. 520), whose argumentation is not sound, as it lacks all sense of chronology. The Persian term ''dar-čīnī'', for instance, is strictly of mediaeval origin, and cannot be invoked as evidence for the supposition that cinnamon was exported from China many centuries before Christ.</ref> This theory has thus been formulated by Muss-Arnolt:6 <ref>''Transactions Am. Phil. Assoc.'', Vol. XXIII, 1892, p. 115.</ref> "This spice was imported by Phoenician merchants from Egypt, where it is called ''khisi-t''. The Egyptians, again, brought it from the land of Punt, to which it was imported from Japan, where we have it under the form ''kei-chi '' ('branch of the cinnamon-tree'), or better ''kei-shin '' ('heart of the cinnamon') [read ''sin'', *sim]. The Japanese itself is again borrowed from the Chinese ''kei-U ši'' [?]. The -''t '' in the Egyptian represents the feminine suffix." As may be seen from O. Schrader,7 <ref>Reallexikon, p. 989.</ref> this strange hypothesis was first put forward in 1883 by C. Schumann. Schrader himself feels somewhat sceptic about it, and regards the appearance of Chinese merchandise on the markets of Egypt at such an early date as hardly probable. From a sinological viewpoint, this speculation must be wholly rejected, both in its linguistic and its historical bearings. Japan was not in existence \ in 1500 B.C., when cinnamon-wood of the country Punt is spoken of in ; the Egyptian inscriptions; and China was then a small agrarian inland *, community restricted to the northern part of the present empire, and

<references/> 1 Hist, plant., IX. v, 1-3. 2 Theophrastus, IX. v, 3. 3 Greek Kaala is derived from Hebrew qest'a, perhaps related to Assyrian kasu, kasiya (Pognon, Journal asiatique, 1917, I, p. 400). Greek kinnamomon is traced to Hebrew qinnamon (Exodus, xxx, 23). 4 Markham, Colloquies, pp. 1 19-120. 5 Thus also Fluckiger and Hanbury (Pharmacographia, p. 520), whose argumentation is not sound, as it lacks all sense of chronology. The Persian term dar-cinl, for instance, is strictly of mediaeval origin, and cannot be invoked as evidence for the supposition that cinnamon was exported from China many centuries before Christ. 6 Transactions Am. Phil. Assoc, Vol. XXIII, 1892, p. 115. 7 Reallexikon, p. 989.

not acquainted with any ''Cassia '' trees of the south. Certainly there was no Chinese navigation and sea-trade at that time. The Chinese word ''kwei ££ '' <> (*kwai, kwi) occurs at an early date, but it is a generic term for ''Lauraceae''; and there are about thirteen species of ''Cassia'', and about sixteen species of ''Cinnamomum'', in China. The essential point is that the ancient texts maintain silence as to cinnamon; that is, the product from the bark of the tree. ''Cinnamomum cassia '' is a native of KwahKwaṅ-si, KwahtuhKwaṅtuṅ, and Indo-China; and the Chinese made its first acquaintance under the Han, when they began to colonize and to absorb southern China. The first description of this species is contained in the ''Nan fan faṅ ts'ao mu cwan čwaṅ'' of the third century.1 <ref>The more important texts relative to the subject are accessible in Bretschneider, Bot. Sin., pt. III, No. 303.</ref> This work speaks of large forests of this tree covering the mountains of KwahKwaṅ-tuhtuṅ, and of its cultivation in gardens of Kiao-ci či (Tonking). It was not the Chinese, but non-Chinese peoples of Indo-China, who first brought the tree into cultivation, which, like all other southern cultivations, was simply adopted by the conquering Chinese. The medicinal employment of the bark {(''kwei p'i t£ $£'' <>) is first mentioned by T'ao HuhHuṅ-kih kiṅ (aA.dD. 451-536), and probably was not known much earlier. It must be positively denied, however, that the Chinese or any nation of Indo-China had any share in the trade which brought cinnamon to the Semites, Egyptians, or Greeks jat at the time of Herodotus or earlier. The earliest date we may assume £or for any navigation from the coasts of Indo-China into the Indian Ocean \s is the second century bB.cC.<ref>Cf. Pelliot, ''T'oung Pao'', 1912, pp. 457-461. 2 </ref> The solution of the cinnamon problem of the ancients seems simpler to me than to my predecessors. First, there is no valid reason to assume that what our modern botany understands by ''Cassia '' and ''Cinnamomum '' must be strictly identical with the products so named by the ancients. Several different species are evidently involved. It is perfectly conceivable that in ancient times there was a fragrant bark supplied by a certain tree of Ethiopia or Arabia or both, which is either extinct or unknown to us, or, as F6e Fée inclines to think, a species of ''Amyris''. It is further legitimate to conclude, without forcing the evidence, that the greater part of the cinnamon supply came from Ceylon and India, 3 <ref>The Malabar cinnamon is mentioned by Marco Polo (Yule's ed., Vol. II, p. 389) and others.</ref> India being expressly included by Strabo. This, at least,' is infinitely more reasonable than acquiescing in the wild fantasies of a Schumann or Muss-Arnolt, who lack the most elementary knowledge of East-Asiatic history. == 6 ==6. The word "China " in the names of Persian and Arabic products,

3 6. The Malabar cinnamon is mentioned by Marco Polo (Yule's ed.word "China " in the names of Persian and Arabic products, Vol. II, p. 389) and others.

or the attribution of certain products to China, is not always to be understood literally. Sometimes it merely refers to a far-eastern product, sometimes even to an Indian product,1 <ref>Such an example I have given in ''T'oung Pao'', 1915, p. 319: ''bīš'', an edible aconite, does not occur in China, as stated by Damīrī, but in India. In regard to cubebs, however, Garcia da Orta (C. Markham, Colloquies, p. 169) was mistaken in denying that they were grown in China, and in asserting that they are called ''kabab-čīnī'' only because they are brought by the Chinese. As I have shown (''ibid.'', pp. 282-288), cubebs were cultivated in China from the Sung period onward.</ref> and sometimes to products handled and traded by the Chinese, regardless of their provenience. Such cases, however, are exceptions. As a rule, these Persian- Arabic terms apply to actual products of China.

Schlimmer2 Schlimmer<ref>Terminologie, p. 335.</ref> mentions under the name ''Killingea monocephala'' the ''zedoary'' of China : according to Piddington's Index Plantarum, it should be the plant furnishing the famous root known in Persia as jadware xitai ''jadwāre xitāi'' ("Chinese jadvarjadvār"); genuine specimens are regarded as a divine panacea, and often paid at the fourfold price of fine gold. The identification, however, is hardly correct, for ''K. monocephala '' is ''kin niu ts'ao ^ 41 ^ '' <> in Chinese, 3 <ref>Also this identification is doubtful (Stuart, Chinese Materia Medica, p. 228).</ref> which hardly holds an important place in the Chinese pharmacopoeia. The plant which Schlimmer had in mind doubtless is ''Curcuma zedoaria'', a native of Bengal and perhaps of China and various other parts of Asia.4 <ref>W. Roxburgh, Flora Indica, p. 8; Watt, Commercial Products of India, p. 444, and Dictionary, Vol. II, p. 669.</ref> It is called in Sanskrit nirvisa ''nirviṣā'' ("poisonless") or sida''ṣida'', in KuSa Kuča or Tokharian B ''viralom '' or ''wiralom'', 5 <ref>S. Lévi, ''Journal asiatique'', 1911, II, pp. 123, 138.</ref> Persian jadvar''jadvār'', Arabic zadvar ''zadvār'' (hence our ''zedoary'', French ''zedoaire''). Abu Mansur describes it as zarvar''zarvār'', calling it an Indian remedy similar to Costus and a good antidote.6 <ref>Achundow, Abu Mansur, p. 79. See also Leclerc, Traité des simples, Vol. I, p. 347.</ref> In the middle ages it was a much-desired article of trade bought by European merchants in the Levant, where it was sold as a product of the farthest east.7 <ref>W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du levant, Vol. II, p. 676.</ref> Persian zarumbdd''zarumbād'', Arabic zeronbdd''zeronbād'', designating an aromatic root similar to zedoary, resulted in our ''zerumbet''. s <ref>Yule, Hobson-Jobson, p. 979.</ref> While it is not certain that ''Curcuma zedoaria '' occurs in China (a Chinese name is not known to me), it is noteworthy that the Persians, as indicated above, ascribe to the root a Chinese origin: thus also ka%ur ''kažūr'' (from Sanskrit karcura''karcūra'') is explained in the Persian Dictionary of

== 7 Ginger ==7. Abu Mansur distinguishes under the Arabic name zanjabīl three kinds of ginger (product of ''Amomum zingiber'', or ''Zingiber officinale''),— Chinese, Zanzibar, and Melinawi or Zurunbāj, the best being the Chinese.<ref>Achundow, Abu Mansur, p. 76.</ref> According to Steingass,<ref>Persian Dictionary, p. 113.</ref> Persian ''anqala'' denotes "a kind of China ginger."<ref>Concerning ginger among the Arabs, cf. Leclerc, Traité des simples, Vol. II, p. 217 ; and regarding its preparation, see G. Ferrand, Textes relatifs à l'Extreme-Orient, p. 609.</ref> The Persian word (likewise in Arabic) demonstrates that the product was received from India : compare Prakrit ''singabēra'', Sanskrit ''çṛṅgavera '' (of recent origin),<ref>Cf. the discussion of E. Hultzsch and F. W. Thomas in ''Journal Roy. As. Soc.'', 1912, pp. 475, 1093. See also Yule, Hobson-Jobson, p. 374.</ref> Old Arabic ''zangabīl'', Pahlavi ''šangavīr'', New Persian ''šankalīl'', Arabic-Persian ''zanjabīl'', Armenian ''sṅrvēl'' or ''snkrvil'' (from *singivēl), Greek ''ζιγγίβερις'', Latin ''zingiberi'' ; Madagasy šakavīru (Indian loan-word).<ref>The curious word for "ginger" in Kuča or Tokharian B, ''tváṅkaro'' (S. Lévi, ''Journal asiatique'', 1911, II, pp. 124, 137), is not yet explained.</ref>

____________________ <references/> == 8 Mamiran ==

the drug mamirani tchini for eye-diseases, being yellowish like Curcuma. Bernier mentions mamiran as one of the products brought' by the caravans from Tibet. Also according to a modern Mohammedan source, mamiran and rhubarb are exported from Tibet.1 Mamira is a reputed drug for eye-diseases, applied to bitter roots of kindred properties but of different origin. By some it is regarded as the rhizome of Coptis teeta (ttta being the name of the drug in the Mishmi country) ; by others, from Thalictrum joliosum, a tall plant common throughout the temperate Himalaya and in the Kasia Hills.2 In another passage, however, Yule3 suggests that this root might be the ginseng of the Chinese, which is highly improbable. It is most likely that by mamira is understood in general the root of Coptis teeta. This is a ranunculaceous plant, and the root has sometimes the appearance of a bird's claw. It is shipped in large quantities from China (Chinese hwan-lien !ic *H) via Singapore to India. The Chinese regard it as a panacea for a great many ills; among others, for clearing inflamed eyes.  == Rhubarb ==9. Abu Mansur discriminates between two kinds of rhubarb,— the Chinese (rlwand-i stni) and that of Khorasan, adding that the former is most employed.4 Accordingly a species of rhubarb (probably Rheum ribes) must have been indigenous to Persia. Yaqut says that the finest kind grew in the soil of Nlsapur.5 According to E. Boissier,6 Rheum ribes occurs near Van and in Agerowdagh in Armenia, on Mount Pir Omar Gudrun in Kurdistan, in the Daena Mountain of eastern Persia, near Persepolis, in the province Aderbeijan in northern Persia, and in the mountains of Baluchistan. There is a general Iranian name for "rhubarb": Middle Persian rewas, New Persian rewas, rewand, riwand (hence Armenian erevant), Kurd riwas, rlbas; Baluci ravaS; Afghan rawa!!;., 7 The Persian name has penetrated in the same form into Arabic 1 Ch. Schefer, Histoire de l'Asie centrale par Mir Abdoul Kerim Boukhary, p. 239. Cf. also R. Dozy, Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, Vol. II, p. 565. 2 Yule, Hobson-Jobson, p. 548. * Cathay, Vol. I, p. 292. 4 Achundow, Abu Mansur, p. 74. Chinese rhubarb is also called simply lini ("Chinese") in Persian, sini in Arabic. 8 Barbier de Meynard, Diet. geogr. de la Perse, p. 579. • Flora Orientalis, Vol. IV, p. 1004. Rheum ribes does not occur in China or Central Asia. 7 The Afghan word in particular refers to Rheum spiciforme, which grows wild and abundantly in many parts of Afghanistan. When green, the leaf-stalks are called rawds; and when blanched by heaping up stones and gravel around them, lukri; when fresh, they are eaten either raw or cooked (Watt, Dictionary, Vol.VI, p. 487). The species under notice occurs also in Kan-su, China: Forbes and

== 10 Salsola ==10. Abu Mansur 3 mentions under the Arabic name ratta a fruit called "Indian hazel-nut" (bunduq-i hindl), also Chinese ''Salsola kali''. It is the size of a small plum, contains a small blackish stone, and is brought from China. It is useful in chronic diseases and in cases of poisoning, and is hot and dry in the second degree. This is ''Sapindus mukorossi'', in Chinese wu (or mu)-hwan-tse M (or 7fC) }& -J* (with a number of synonymes), the seeds being roasted and eaten.

== 11 Emblic myrobalan ==11. Arabic suk, a drug composed of several ingredients, according to Ibn Sina, was originally a secret Chinese remedy formed with amlaj (Sanskrit dmalaka, ''Phyllanthus emblica'', the emblic myrobalan).4 It is the 3$tMWi an-mo-lo, *an-mwa-lak, of the Chinese.5 In Persian it is amala or amula.

== 12 Althaea ==12. Persian guli xaird (xairu) is explained as Chinese and Persian hollyhock (Althcea rosed''Althaea rosea''). 6 This is the iw k'wei 16 l£ ("mallow of Se- 6'wan") of the Chinese, also called Zuh kxwei ("mallow of the Zun"). It is the common hollyhock, which Stuart7 thinks may have been originally introduced into China from some western country.

=== 13 =Rose of China ==13. Ibn al-Baitar8 speaks of a "rose of China" {(ward sini), usually called nisrln. According to Leclerc, this is a malvaceous plant. In Persian we find gul-lml ("rose of China"), the identification of which,

== 14 Mango ==

== 15 Sandal ==

== 16 Birch ==

== 17 Tea ==

== 18 Onyx ==

19. Qazwlnl Qazwini also mentions a stone under the name husyat iblis ("devil's testicles") which should occur in China. Whoever carries it is

[555] [à rescnnaer not held up by bandits; also his baggage in which the stone is hidden is safe from attack, and its wearer rises in the esteem of his fellow-mates.1 I do not know what Chinese stone is understood here. == Tootnague ==20. It is weil known that the Chinese have a peculiar alloy of copper consisting of copper 40.4, zinc 25.4, nickel 31.6, iron 2.6, and occa~J sionally sorne silver and arsenic. It looks white or silver-like in the .finish, and is hence called pai-t'un ("white copper"). In Anglo-Indian it is tootnague (Tamil tutunagum, Portuguese tutanaga).2 It is also known to foreigners in the East under the Cantonese name paktung. (It is mentioned as early as A.D. 265 in the dictionary Kwan ya l3é lfffi,3 where the definition occurs that pai-t'u1i is called wut. This alloy was adopted by the Persians under the name xàr-éïnï (Arabie xàr-$ïnï).4 The Persians say that the Chinese make this allo-y} into mirrors and arrowheads, a wound from which is mortal.~ Vullers cites a passage from the poet Abu al Ma 'anï, "One who rejects and spurns his friend pierces his heart with xàr-$inï." Qazwinï speaks of very efficient lance-heads and harpoons of this metal. The Persians have further the term is]ulruj, which means "white copper", and which accordingly represents a literai rendering of Chinese pai-t'un. Moreover, there is Persian sepïdrtïi (Arabie ùbt'adàri, isbàdàrïh); that is, "whitish in appearance." English spelter (German spiauter, speauter, spialter, Russian spiauter), a designation of zinc, is derived from this word.6 Dimasqi, who wrote about I325, explains xàr-$ïnï as a metal from China, the yellow color of copper being mixed with black and white; the mirrors imported from China, called "mirrors of distortion," are made from this alloy. It is an artificial product, hard, and fragile; it is injured by fire, after being wrought. Qazwïnï adds that no other metal yields a ring equalling that of this alloy, and that none is so suitable for the manufacture of large and small bells.7 == Saltpetre ==21. In the thirteenth century the Arabs became acquainted with salt petre, which they received from China ; for they designate it as ____________________  <references/> 1 R US KA, ibid., p. 21. 2 Cf. YULE, Hobson-Jobson, p. 932. This, of course, is a misnomer, as the lndian ward, connected with Persian tütiya (above, p. 51 2), in fact refers to zinc. 3 Ch. 8 A, p. 16 (ed. of Ki fu ts'uti su). 4 Literally, "stone of China." Spanish kazini is derived from the Arabic word. 5 STEINGASS, Persian Dictionary, p. 438. 6 It seems also that the Persian ward is the source of the curious Japanese tenn sabari or sahari, which denotes the white copper of the Chinese. The foreign character of this product is also indicated by the writing ~ m ~. 7 Cf. E. WIEDEMAN:-<, Sitzber. Phys.-Med. Soz. Erl., Vols. XXXVII, 1905, pp. 403-·J.O.+; and XLV, 1913, p. 46; R. Dozv, Supplément, Vol. 1, p. 857.

[556] ihelg as-sin ("Chinese snow"), and the rocket as sahm xatai ("Chinese arrow").1

== 22 Kaolin ==

== 23 Smilax pseudochina ==23. Persian lubi cini ("China root"), Neo-Sanskrit cobaclnl or copaclnl (kub-cini in the bazars of India), is the root of ''Smilax pseudochina'', so-called Chinese sarsaparilla {fu-fu-lih zh $t 4*) , a famous remedy for the treatment of Morbus americanus, first introduced into Europe by the returning sailors of Columbus, and into India by the sailors of Vasco da Gama (Sanskrit phirangaroga, "disease of the Franks"). It is first mentioned, together with the Chinese remedy, in Indian writings of the sixteenth century, notably the Bhavaprakaga.5 Good information on this subject is given by Garcia da Orta, who says, "As all these lands and China and Japan have this morbo napolitano, it pleased a merciful God to provide this root as a remedy with which good doctors can cure it, although the majority fall into error. As it is cured with this medicine, the root was traced to the Chinese, when there was a cure with it in the year 1 53 5. " 6 Garcia gives a detailed description of the shrub which he says is called lampatam by the Chinese. 7 This transcription corresponds to Chinese len-fan-fwan <v f£ @8 (literally, "cold rice ball"), a synonyme of Vu-fu-lin; pronounced at

[557]  Canton lan-fan-t'ün, at Amoy lin-hoan-toan. It must be borne in mind that final Portuguese tn is not intended for the labial nasal, but indicates the nasalization of the preceding vowel, am and â being alternately used. The frequent final guttural nasal n of Chinese has always been reproduced by the Portuguese by a nasalized vowel or diphthong; for instance, tujâo (" typhoon "), given by Fernao Pinto as a Chinese term, where fào corresponds to Chinese fun (" wind "); tutâo, reproducing Chinese tu-t'un W tiff ("Lieutenant-General"). Thus the transcription lampatam moves along the same line. The Portuguese designation of the root is raiz da China ("root of China"). There is an overland trade in this root from China by way of Turkistan to Ladakh, and probably also to Persia.1 The plant has been known to the Chinese from ancient times, being described by T'ao Hun-kiil.2 The employment of the root in the treatment of Morbus americanus (yan mei tu ewa1i ~ m ~ !lf) is described at length by Li Si-cen, who quotes this text from Wail Ki à rescanner]:~. a celebrated physician, who lived during the Kia-tsiil period (1522-66), and author of the Pen ts'ao hui pim ::;.$: 1f. fr ti. This is an excellent confirmation of the synchronous account of Garcia.3 Li Si-cen states expressly, "The yan-mei ulcers are not mentioned in the ancient recipes, neither were there any people affiicted with this disease. Only recently did it arise in Kwail-tun, whence it spread to all parts of China." == Rag-paper ==24. Of Chinese loan-words in Persian, HoRN 4 enumera tes on! Y\ lai ("tea"), cadan ("teapot"), ciiu ("paper money"), and perhaps also kagaô or kagiô ("paper"). As will be seen, there are many more Chinese loansinPersian; but thewordfor "paper" isnotoneof them,althoughthe Persians received the knowledge of paper from the Chinese.:1This theory was fust set forth by HrRTH,5 who asserts, "The Arabie word kiighid for paper, derived from the Persian,6 can without great difficulty be traced to a term ku-chih ~ ~ (ancient pronunciation kok-dz'), which means 'paper from the bark of the mulberry-tree,' and was already used in times of antiquity." This view has been accepted by ____________________  <references/> 1 T'oung Pao, 1916, p. 477· 2 Pen ts'ao kan mu, Ch. 8 B, p. 2; also Ch. 4 B, p. 6 b; BRETSCHNEIDER, Bot. Sin., pt. III, p. 320. 3 I bave sufficient material to enable me to publish at some later date a detailed history of the disease from Chinese sources. 4 Grundriss der iran. Phil., Vol. I, pt. 2, p. 7. 5 T'oung Pao, Vol. 1, 1890, p. 12; or Chines. Studien, p. 269. s In my opinion, the word is of Uigur origin (ka gat, kagas), and was subsequently adopted by the Persians, and from the Persians by the Arabs. In Persian we have the forms kii.-yad, kà-yid, kà-ya z, and kàgiz (Baluci kàgad). Aside from this vacillating mode of spelling, the word is decidedly non-Persian. See, further, below, p. 558.

[559] à rescanner indeed, has always been more common. Hirth's supposition of a former pronunciation kok cannot be accepted; but, even did this alleged kok exist, I should continue to disbelieve in the proposed ctymology of the Persian-Arabic word. There is no reason to assume that, because paper was adopted by the Arabs and Persians from the Chinese, their designation of it should hail from the same quarter. I do not know of a foreign language that was willing to adopt from the Chinese any designation for paper. Our word cornes from the Greek-Latin papyrus; Russian bumaga originally means "cotton," being ultimately traceable to Middle Persian pambak. 1 The Tibetans learned the technique of paper-mak:ing from the Chinese, but have a word of their own to designate paper Uog-bu). So have the Japanese (kami) and the Koreans (mzmtsi). The Mongols caU paper tsagasun (Buryat tsiiraso, siirahan), a purely Mongol word, meaning "the white one." Among the Golde on the Amur I recorded the word xausal. The Lolo have t'o-i, the Annamese bia, the Cam baa, baar, or biar, the Khmer credas, which, like Malayan kertas, is borrowed from Arabie kirtas (Greek xapT7]S).2 As stated, the Persian-Arabic word is borrowed from a Turkish language: Uigur kagat or kagas; Tuba, Lebed, Kumandu, Comanian kagat; Kirgiz, Karakirgiz, Taranci, and Kazan kagaz. The origin of this word can be explained from Turkish ; for in Lebed, Kumandu, and Sor, we have kagas with the significance "tree-bark." I need not repeat here the oft-told story of how the manufacture of c paper was introduced into Samarkand by Chinese captives in A.D. 751. Prior to this date, as has been established by Karabacek, Chinese paper was imported to Samarkand as early as 65o-x, again in 707.3 Under the Sasanians, Chinese paper was known in Pcrsia ; but it was a very rare article, and reserved for royal state documents.4 == Paper money ==25. Another form in which paper reached the Persians was paper money. It is well known that the Chinese were the originators of ____________________  <references/> 1 See above, p. 490. 2 S. FRAENKEL, Die aramâischen Fremdwôrter im Arabischcn, p. 245. 3 Cf. Hoernle, ''Journal Roy. As. Soc.'', 1903, p. 670. I regret being unablc to accept his general result that the Arabs or Samarkandis should be creditcd with the invention of pure rag-paper (p. 674). This had already been accomplished in China, and indeed was the work of Ts'ai Lun. I expect to come back to this problem on another occasion. With al! respect for the researches of Karabacek, Wiesner, and Hocrnle, I am not convinced that the far-reaching conclusions of thcse scholars are ali justified. We are in nced of more investigations (and !css theorizing), especially of ancient papers made in China. There are numerous accounts of many sorts of paper, hitherto unnoticed, in Chinese records, which should be closely studied. 4 According to Masudi (B. DE MEYNARD, Les Prairies d'or, Vol. II, p. 202); see also E. DROUIN, Mémoire sur les Huns Ephthalites, p. 53 (reprint from Le Muséon, 1895).

1 Klaproth, Sur l'origine du papier-monnaie (in his M^moires Mémoires relatifs a à l'Asie, Vol. I, pp. 375-388); Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. I, pp. 426-430; Anonymus, Paper Money among the Chinese (Chin. Repository, Vol. XX, 1851, pp. 289-296); S. Saburo, The Origin of the Paper Currency (Journal Peking Or. Soc, Vol. II, 1889, pp. 265-307); S. W. Bushell, Specimens of Ancient Chinese Paper Money (ibid., pp. 308-316); H. B. Morse, Currency in China (Journal China Branch Roy. As. Soc, Vol. XXXVIII, 1907, pp. 17-31); etc.

spread to Central Asia (Tibetan deb-fer, Mongol debter, Manchu debtelin)} The use of parchment on the part of the people of Parthia (An-si) has already been noted by the mission of Can K'ien, who placed it on record that "they make signs on leather, from side to side, by way of literary records." It is accordingly certain that parchment was utilized in Iran as early as the second century B.C. There are also later references to this practice; for instance, in the Nan &,2 where it is said that the Hu (Iranians) uSe sheep-skin *p 2^ as paper. The Chinese have hardly * ever made use of parchment for writing-purposes, but they prepare parchment (from the skins of sheep, donkeys, or oxen) for the making of shadow-play figures. The only parchment manuscripts ever found in China were the Scriptures of the Jews of K'ai-foh, which are also mentioned in their inscriptions. 3 26. Most of the Chinese loan-words in Persian were imported by the Mongol rulers in the thirteenth century (the so-called Il-Khans, 1 265-1335), being chiefly terms relative to official and administrative institutions. The best known of these is pdizah, being a reproduction of Chinese p'ai-tse #1 ?, an official warrant or badge containing imperial commands, letters of safe-conduct, permits of requisition, according to the rank of the bearer, made of silver, brass, iron, etc. They were taken over by the Mongols from the Liao and Kin,4 and are mentioned by Rubruck, Marco Polo, 6 and Rasid-eddin. 27. Titles like wan :£ ("king, prince"), Vai wan J£ zE ("great prince"), kao wan iti EE ("great general"), Vai huJ^Jn ("empress"), fu Sen (Persian fucln) ;£ A (title for women of rank), and kun cu fe ^ ("princess") were likewise adopted in Mongol Persia.6 Persian jinksdnak, title of a Mongol prefect or governor, transcribes Chinese Ven sian 2& $[ ("minister of state ")A 28. From Turkish tribes the Persians have adopted the word toy 1 T'oung Pao, 1916, p. 481. 2 Ch. 79, p. 7. 3 Cf. J. Tobar, Inscriptions juives de K'ai-fong-fou, pp. 78, 86, 96 (note 2). 4 Chavannes, Journal asiatique, 1898, I, p. 396. 6 Yule's edition, Vol. I, p. 351, which consult for a history of the p'ai-tse; see, further, Laufer, Keleti Szemle, 1907, pp. 195-196; Zamtsarano, Paiza among the Mongols at the Present Time (Zapiski Oriental Section Russian Archceol. Soc, Vol. XXII, 1914, pp. 155-159). 6 E. Blochet, Introduction a l'histoire des Mongols de Rashid Ed-din, p. 183; and Djami el-TeVarikh, p. 473. Regarding the title wan, see also J. J. Modi, Asiatic Papers, p. 251. 7 Cf. my notes in T'oung Pao, 1916, p. 528. [565] (togh) or tuy, 1 which designates the tassels of horse-hair attached to the points of a standard or to the helmet of a Pasha (in the latter case a sign of rank). Among the Turks of Central Asia, the standard of a high military officer is formed by a yak's tail fastened at the top of a pole. This is said also to mark the graves of saintly personages. 2 In the language of the Uigur, the word is tuk.z As correctly recognized by Abel-Remusat,4 who had recourse only to Osmanli, the Turkish word is derived from Chinese jfl tu, anciently *duk, that occurs at an early l date in the Cou li and TsHen Han £#. Originally it denoted a banner . carried in funeral processions; under the Han, it was the standard of the commander-in-chief of the army, which, according to Ts'ai Yun $% § (a.d. 133-192), was made of yak-tails. 6 Yak-tails (Sanskrit cdmara, Anglo-Indian chowry) were anciently used in India and Central Asia as i insignia of royalty or rank.6 29. The Cou iw7 states that in respect to the five cereals and the : fauna Persia agrees with China, save that rice and millet are lacking in Persia. The term "millet" is expressed by the compound iu lu W? fflt; that is, the glutinous variety of Panicum miliaceum and the glutinous variety of the spiked millet (Setaria italica glutinosa) . Now, we find in Persian a word &*£« in the sense of "millet." It remains to study the history of this word, in order to ascertain whether it might be a Chinese loan-word. Schlimmer8 notes erzen as Persian word for Panicum miliaceum. 30. Persian (also Osmanli) tank ("a harp or guitar, particularly played by women") is probably derived from Chinese Zen ^ ("a harpsichord with twelve brass strings"). 31. One of the most interesting Chinese loan-words in Persian is xutu (khutu), from Chinese ku-tu (written in various ways), principally denoting the ivory tooth of the walrus. This subject has been disx In Sugnan, a Pamir language, it occurs as tux (Salemann, in Vostocnye Zam'atki, p. 286). 2 Shaw, Turkl Language, Vol. II, p. 76. s Radloff, Wort, der Turk-Dial., Vol. Ill, col. 1425. * Recherches sur les langues tatares, p. 303. * See K'an-hi sub jfe. 8 Yule, Hobson-Jobson, p. 214. Under the Emirs of the Khanat Bukhara there was the title toksaba: he who received this title had the privilege of having a tug carried before him; hence the origin of the word toksaba (Veliaminof-Zernof, Melanges asiatiques, Vol. VIII, p. 576). Cf. also a brief note by Parker (China Review, Vol. XVII, p. 300). 7 Ch. 50, p. 6. 8 Terminologie, p. 420. [566] cussed by me in two articles.1 Vullers2 gives no less than seven definitions of the Persian word: (i) cornu bovis cuiusdam Sinensis; (2) secundum alios cornu rhinocerotis; (3) secundum alios cornu avis cuiusdam permagnae in regno vastato, quod inter Chinam et Aethiopiam situm est, degentis, e quo conficiunt anulos osseos et manubria cultri et quo res venenatae dignosci possunt; (4) secundum alios cornu serpentis, quod mille annos natus profert; (5) secundum alios cornu viperae; (6) secundum alios cornu piscis annosi; (7) secundum alios dentes animalis cuiusdam. Of these explanations, No. 3 is that of al-Akfani, and the bird in question is the buceros. No. 4 is a reproduction of the definition of ku-tu-si in the Liao Annals ("the horn of a thousand-years-old snake"). How the Persians and Arabs arrived at the other definitions will be easily understood from my former discussion of the subject. In the Ethiopic version of the Alexander Romance are mentioned, among the gifts sent to Alexander by the king of China, twenty (in the Syriac version, ten) snakes' horns, each a cubit long. 3 Meanwhile I have succeeded in tracing a new Chinese definition of ku-tu. Cou Mi Ml $? (1 230-1320), in his Ci ya Van tsa Pao* states, "According to Po-ki fS ^,5 what is now styled ku-tu si # $§ JP is a horn of the earth (ti kio i& m, 'a horn found underground'?)." He refers again to its property of neutralizing poison and to knife-hilts made of the substance. In the edition of the Ko ku yao lun* the text regarding ku-tu-si is somewhat different from that quoted by me in T'oung Pao (19 13, p. 325). Ku-tu-si is not identified there with pi-si, as appears from the text of the Pxei wen yiinfu and Pen ts'ao kan mu, but pi-si is a variety of ku-tu-si of particularly high value. , 1 Arabic and Chinese Trade in Walrus and Narwhal Ivory (T'oung Pao, 1913, PP- 3 I 5~364, with Addenda by P. Pelliot, pp. 365-370); and Supplementary Notes on Walrus and Narwhal Ivory (ibid., 1916, pp. 348-389). Regarding objects of walrus ivory in Persia, see pp. 365-366. 2 Lexicon Persico-Latinum, Vol. I, p. 659. 8 E. A. W. Budge, Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, p. 180; likewise his translation of the Syriac version, p. 112 (Syriac edition, p. 200). In the Syriac occurs another gift from China, "a thousand talents of mai-kdsl" (literally, "waters of cups"). Budge leaves this problem unsolved. Apparently we face the transcription of a Chinese word, which I presume is *mak, mag 3H (at present mo), "China ink." In Mongol and Manchu we find this word as bexe, in Kalmuk as beke. 4 Ch. A, p. 29 b (ed. of Yiie ya fan ts'un Su). 5 Surname of Sien-yu £'u j$ -^ fl^ calligraphist and poet at the end of the thirteenth century (see Pelliot, T'oung Pao, 1913, p. 368). 8 Ch. 6, p. 9 b (ed. of Si yin hiian ts'un $u). [567] The Chinese Gazetteer of Macao1 contains the following notice of the walrus (hai ma): "Its tooth is hard, of a pure bright white with veins as fine as silk threads or hair. It can be utilized for the carving of ivory beads and other objects." Finally I have found another document in which the fish-teeth of the Russians are identified with the tusks of the walrus (morse). This is contained in the work of G. Fletcher, "The Russe Common Wealth," published in London, 1591, 2 and runs as follows: "Besides these (which are all good and substantiall commodities) they have divers other of smaller account, that are natural and proper to that country: as the fishe tooth (which they cal ribazuba), which is used both among themselves and the Persians and Bougharians, that fetcht it from thence for beads, knives, and sword hafts of noblemen and gentlemen, and for divers other uses. Some use the powder of it against poyson, as the unicornes home. The fish that weareth it is called a morse, and is caught about Pechora. These fishe teeth, some of them are almost two foot of length, and weigh eleven or twelve pound apiece." 3 1 Ao-men li lio, Ch. B, p. 37. 2 Ed. of E. A. Bond, p. 13 (Hakluyt Society, 1856). 1 The following case is interesting as showing how narwhal ivory could reach India straight from the Arctics. PietrodellaValle (Vol. I, p. 4, Hakluyt Soc. ed.), travelling on a ship from the Persian Gulf to India in 1623, tells this story: "On Monday, the Sea being calm, the Captain, and I, were standing upon the deck of our Ship, discoursing of sundry matters, and he took occasion to show me a piece of Horn, which he told me himself had found in the yar 161 1 in a Northern Country, whither he then sail'd, which they call Greenland, lying in the latitude of seventysix degrees. He related how he found this horn in the earth, being probably the horn of some Animal dead there, and that, when it was intire, it was between five and six feet long, and seven inches in circumference at the root, where it was thickest. The piece which I saw (for the horn was broken, and sold by pieces in several places) was something more than half a span long, and little less than five inches thick; the color of it was white, inclining to yellow, like that of Ivory when it is old; it was hollow and smooth within, but wreath'd on the outside. The Captain saw not the Animal, nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea, for, according to the place where he found it, it might be as well one as the other; but he believed for certain, that it was of a Unicorn, both because the experience of its being good against poyson argu'd so much, and for that the signes attributed by Authors to the Unicorn's horn agreed also to this, as he conceiv'd. But herein I dissent from him, inasmuch as, if I remember aright, the horn of the Unicorn, whom the Greeks call'd Monoceros, is, by Pliny, describ'd black, and not white. The Captain added that it was a report, that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America, not far from that Country of Greenland; and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in Greenland, a neighbouring Country, and not yet known whether it be Continent or Island; and that they might sometimes come thither from the contiguous lands of America, in case it be no Island. . . . The Company of the Greenland Merchants of England had the horn, which he found, because Captains of ships are their stipendiaries, and, besides their salary, must make no other profit of their Voyages; but whatever they gain or find, in case it be known, and they conceal it not, all accrues [568] The term pi-si has been the subject of brief discussions on the part of Pelliot1 and myself. 2 The Ko ku yao lun, as far as is known at present, appears to be the earliest work in which the expression occurs. Hitherto it had only been known as a modern colloquialism, and Pelliot urged tracing it in the texts. I am now in a position to comply with this demand. T'an Ts'ui W. 4F, in his Tien hai yii hen ci, 3 published in 1799, gives an excellent account of Yun-nan Province, its mineral resources, fauna, flora, and aboriginal population, and states that pi-kia-si Ml ft 3 or pi-hia-pi H it *ifc or pi-si H $u are all of the class of precious stones which are produced in the Mon-mi t'u-se S $? i. ^ of Yunnan. 4 It is obvious that these words are merely transcriptions of a non-Chinese term; and, if we were positive that it took its startingpoint from Yun-nan, it would not be unreasonable to infer that it hails from one of the native T'ai or Shan languages. T'an Ts'ui adds that the best pi-si are deep red in color; that those in which purple, yellow, and green are combined, and the white ones, take the second place; while those half white and half black are of the third grade. We are accordingly confronted with a certain class of precious stones which remain to be determined mineralogically. 32. The Persian name for China is Cm, Cmistan, or Cinastan. In Middle Persian we meet Saini in the Farvardin Yast and Sini in the Bundahisn,5 besides Cen and Cenastan.6 The form with initial palatal is confirmed, on the one hand, by Armenian Cen-k', Cenastan, Cenbakur ("emperor of China"), Zenazneay ("originating from China"), lenik ("Chinese"), and, on the other hand, by Sogdian Cynstn (Cinato the Company that employes them. When the Horn was intire it was sent to Constantinople to be sold, where two thousand pounds sterling was ofler'd for it: But the English Company, hoping to get a greater rate, sold it not at Constantinople, but sent it into Muscovy, where much about the same price was bidden for it, which, being refus'd, it was carry'd back into Turkey, and fell of its value, a much less sum being now proffer'd than before. Hereupon the Company conceiv'd that it would sell more easily in pieces then intire, because few could be found who would purchase it at so great a rate. Accordingly they broke it, and it was sold by pieces in sundry places; yet, for all this, the whole proceed amounted onely to about twelve hundred pounds sterling. And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it, and this was it which he shew'd me." 1 T'oung Pao, 1913, p. 365. 2 Ibid., 1916, p. 375. 3 Ch. I, p. 6 (ed. of Wen yin lou yii ti ts'un $u). Title and treatment of the subject are in imitation of the Kwei hai yii hen ci of Fan C'eh-ta of the twelfth century . 4 T'u-se are districts under the jurisdiction of a native chieftain, who himself is more or less subject to the authority of the Chinese. 6 Cf. J. J. Modi, References to China in the Ancient Books of the Parsees, reprinted in his Asiatic Papers, pp. 241 et seq. 6 Hubschmann, Armen. Gram., p. 49. [569] stan). 1 The parallelism of initial I and 5 corresponds exactly to the Greek doublet SZvat and Qlvai ( = Cinai), and the Iranian forms with c meet their counterpart in Sanskrit Cina (Cina). This state of affairs renders probable the supposition that the Indian, Iranian, and Greek designations for China have issued from a common source, and that this prototype may be sought for in China itself. I am now inclined to think that there is some degree of probability in the old theory that the name "China" should be traceable to that of the dynasty Ts'in. I formerly rejected this theory, simply for the reason that no one had as yet presented a convincing demonstration of the case; 2 nor did I become converted by the demonstration in favor of Ts'in then attempted by Pelliot.3 Pelliot has cited several examples from which it appears that even under the Han the Chinese were still designated as "men of the Ts'in" in Central Asia. This fact in itself is interesting, but does not go to prove that the foreign names Cina, Cen, etc., are based on the name Ts'in. It must be shown phonetically that such a derivation is possible, and this is what Pelliot failed to demonstrate: he does not even dwell for a moment on the question of the ancient pronunciation of the character ts'in at?. If in ancient times it should have had the same articulation as at present, the alleged phonetic coincidence with the foreign designations would amount to nothing. The ancient phonetic value of ^ was *din, *dzin, *d2in (jin), *d2'in, with initial dental or palatal sonant; 4 and it is possible, and in harmony with phonetic 1 R. Gauthiot, T'oung Pao, 1913, p. 428. : T'oung Pao, 1 912, pp. 719-726. 3 Ibid., pp. 727-742. The mention of the name Cina in the Arthacastra of Canakya or Kautilya, and Jacobi's opinion on the question, did not at all prompt me to my view, as represented by Pelliot. I had held this view for at least ten years previously, and Jacobi's article simply offered the occasion which led me to express my view. Pelliot's commotion over the date of the Sanskrit work was superfluous. I shall point only to the judgment of V. A. Smith (Early History of India, 3d ed., 1914, p. 153), who says that "the Arthagastra is a genuine ancient work of Maurya age, and presumably attributed rightly to Canakya or Kautilya; this verdict, of course, does not exclude the possibility, or probability, that the existing text may contain minor interpolations of later date, but the bulk of the book certainly dates from the Maurya period," and to the statement of A. B. Keith (Journal Roy. As. Soc, 1916, p. 137), "It is perfectly possible that the Arthacastra is an early work, and that it may be assigned to the first century B.C., while its matter very probably is older by a good deal than that." The doubts as to the Ts'in etymology of the name "China" came from many quarters. Thus J. J. Modi (Asiatic Papers. p. 247), on the supposition that the Farvardin YaSt may have been written prior to the fourth or fifth century B.C., argued, "If so, the fact that the name of China as Saini occurs in this old document, throws a doubt on the belief that it was the Ts'in dynasty of the third century B.C. that gave its name to China. It appears, therefore, that the name was older than the third century B.C." 4 In the dialect of Shanghai it is still pronounced dzin. [570] laws, that a Chinese initial d% was reproduced in Iranian by the palatal surd c. It is this phonetic agreement on the one hand, and the coincidence of the Sanskrit, Iranian, and Greek names for China on the other, which induce me to admit the Ts'in etymology as a possible theory; that the derivation has really been thus, no one can assert positively. The presence of the designation Ts'in for Chinese during the Han is an historical accessory, but it does not form a fundamental link in the evidence. 33. The preceding notes should be considered only as an outline of a series of studies which should be further developed by the cooperation of Persian scholars and Arabists familiar with the Arabic sources on the history and geography of Iran. A comprehensive study of all Persian sources relating to China would also be very welcome. Another interesting task to be pursued in this connection would be an attempt to trace the development of the idealized portrait which the Persian and Arabic poets have sketched of the Chinese. It is known that in the Oriental versions of the Alexander Romance the Chinese make their appearance as one of the numerous nations visited by Alexander the Great (Iskandar). In Firdausi's (935-1025) version he travels to China as his own ambassador, and is honorably received by the Fagfur (Son of Heaven), to whom he delivers a letter confirming his possessions and dignities, provided he will acknowledge Iskandar as his lord and pay tribute of all fruits of his country; to this the Fagfur consents. In Nizami's (1141-1203) Iskandarndme ("Book of Alexander "), Iskandar betakes himself from India by way of Tibet to China, where a contest between the Greek and Chinese painters takes place, the former ultimately carrying the day.1 In the Ethiopic version of the Alexander story, "the king of China commanded that they should spread out costly stuffs upon a couch, and the couch was made of gold ornamented with jewels and inlaid with, a design in gold; and he sat in his hall, and his princes and nobles were round about him, and when he spake they made answer unto him and spake submissively. Then he commanded the captain to bring in Alexander the ambassador. Now when I Alexander had come in with the captain, he made me to stand before the King, and the men stood up dressed in raiment of gold and silver; and I stood there a long time and none spake unto me."2 The Kowtow (k'o-fou) question was evidently not raised. It is still more amusing to read farther on that the king of China made the ambassador sit by his side upon the couch,— an impossible situation. The Fagfur sent to Alexander garments of finely woven stuff, one hundred pounds 1 Cf. F. Spiegel, Die Alexandersage bei-den Orientalen, pp. 31, 46. 2 E. A. W. Budge, Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, p. 173. [571] in weight, two hundred tents, men-servants and maid-servants, two hundred shields of elephant-hide, as many Indian swords mounted in gold and ornamented with gold and precious stones of great value, as many horses suitable for kings, and one thousand loads of the finest gold and silver, for in this country are situated the mountains wherefrom they dig gold. The wall of that city is built of gold ore, and likewise the habitations of the people; and from this place Solomon, the son of David, brought the gold with which he built the sanctuary, and he made the vessels and the shields of the gold of the land of China.1 In the history of Alexander the Great contained in the "Universal History" of al-Makin, who died at Damascus in 1273-74, a distinction is made between the kings of Nearer China and Farther China.2 The most naive version of Alexander's adventures in China is contained in the legendary "History of the Kings of Persia," written in Arabic by al-Ta'alibi (961-1038) . 3 Here, the king of China is taken aback, and loses his sleep when Alexander with his army enters China. Under cover of night he visits Alexander, offering his submission in order to prevent bloodshed. Alexander first demands the revenue of his kingdom for five years, but gradually condescends to accept one third for one year. The following day a huge force of Chinese troops surrounds the army of Alexander, who believes his end has come, when the king of China appears, descending from his horse and kissing the soil (!). Alexander charges him with perfidy, which the king of China denies. "What, then, does this army mean? "-"I wanted to show thee," the king of China replied, "that I did not submit from weakness or owing to the small number of my forces. I had observed that the superior world favored thee and allowed thee to triumph over more powerful kings than thou. Whoever combats the superior world will be vanquished. For this reason I wanted to submit to the superior world by submitting to thee, and humbly to obey it by obeying thee and complying with thy orders." Alexander rejoined, "No demand should be made of a man like thee. I never met any one more qualified as a sage. Now I abandon all my claims upon thee and depart." The king of China responded, "Thou wilt lose nothing by this arrangement." He then despatched rich presents to him, like a thousand pieces of silk, painted silk, brocade, silver, sable-skins, etc., and pledged himself to pay an annual tribute. Although the whole story, of course, is pure invention, Chinese methods of overcoming an enemy by superior diplomacy are not badly characterized. 1 Ibid., p. 179. * Ibid., pp. 369, 394. * H. Zotenberg, Histoire des rois des Perses, pp. 436-440. spread to Central Asia (Tibetan deb-fer, Mongol debter, Manchu debtelin)1 The use of parchment on the part of the people of Parthia (An-si) has already been noted by the mission of Can K'ien, who placed it on record that "they make signs on leather, from side to side, by way of literary records." It is accordingly certain that parchment was utilized in Iran as early as the second century B.C. There are also later references to this practice; for instance, in the Nan &,2 where it is said that the Hu (Iranians) uSe sheep-skin *p 2^ as paper. The Chinese have hardly * ever made use of parchment for writing-purposes, but they prepare parchment (from the skins of sheep, donkeys, or oxen) for the making of shadow-play figures. The only parchment manuscripts ever found in China were the Scriptures of the Jews of K'ai-foh, which are also mentioned in their inscriptions. 3 == Chinese loan-words ==26. Most of the Chinese loan-words in Persian were imported by the Mongol rulers in the thirteenth century (the so-called Il-Khans, 1 265-1335), being chiefly terms relative to official and administrative institutions. The best known of these is pdizah, being a reproduction of Chinese p'ai-tse #1 ?, an official warrant or badge containing imperial commands, letters of safe-conduct, permits of requisition, according to the rank of the bearer, made of silver, brass, iron, etc. They were taken over by the Mongols from the Liao and Kin,4 and are mentioned by Rubruck, Marco Polo, 6 and Rasid-eddin. == 27 ==27. Titles like wan :£ ("king, prince"), Vai wan J£ zE ("great prince"), kao wan iti EE ("great general"), Vai huJ^Jn ("empress"), fu Sen (Persian fucln) ;£ A (title for women of rank), and kun cu fe ^ ("princess") were likewise adopted in Mongol Persia.6 Persian jinksdnak, title of a Mongol prefect or governor, transcribes Chinese Ven sian 2& $[ ("minister of state ")7 == 28 ==28. From Turkish tribes the Persians have adopted the word toy ____________________ <references/> 1 T'oung Pao, 1916, p. 481. 2 Ch. 79, p. 7. 3 Cf. J. Tobar, Inscriptions juives de K'ai-fong-fou, pp. 78, 86, 96 (note 2). 4 Chavannes, Journal asiatique, 1898, I, p. 396. 5 Yule's edition, Vol. I, p. 351, which consult for a history of the p'ai-tse; see, further, Laufer, Keleti Szemle, 1907, pp. 195-196; Zamtsarano, Paiza among the Mongols at the Present Time (Zapiski Oriental Section Russian Archceol. Soc, Vol. XXII, 1914, pp. 155-159). 6 E. Blochet, Introduction a l'histoire des Mongols de Rashid Ed-din, p. 183; and Djami el-TeVarikh, p. 473. Regarding the title wan, see also J. J. Modi, Asiatic Papers, p. 251. 7 Cf. my notes in T'oung Pao, 1916, p. 528.  [565] (togh) or tuy, 1 which designates the tassels of horse-hair attached to the points of a standard or to the helmet of a Pasha (in the latter case a sign of rank). Among the Turks of Central Asia, the standard of a high military officer is formed by a yak's tail fastened at the top of a pole. This is said also to mark the graves of saintly personages. 2 In the language of the Uigur, the word is tuk.z As correctly recognized by Abel-Remusat,4 who had recourse only to Osmanli, the Turkish word is derived from Chinese jfl tu, anciently *duk, that occurs at an early l date in the Cou li and TsHen Han £#. Originally it denoted a banner . carried in funeral processions; under the Han, it was the standard of the commander-in-chief of the army, which, according to Ts'ai Yun $% § (a.d. 133-192), was made of yak-tails. 6 Yak-tails (Sanskrit cdmara, Anglo-Indian chowry) were anciently used in India and Central Asia as i insignia of royalty or rank.6 == Millet ==29. The Cou iw7 states that in respect to the five cereals and the : fauna Persia agrees with China, save that rice and millet are lacking in Persia. The term "millet" is expressed by the compound iu lu W? fflt; that is, the glutinous variety of ''Panicum miliaceum'' and the glutinous variety of the spiked millet (''Setaria italica glutinosa''). Now, we find in Persian a word &*£« in the sense of "millet." It remains to study the history of this word, in order to ascertain whether it might be a Chinese loan-word. Schlimmer8 notes erzen as Persian word for ''Panicum miliaceum''. == 30 ==30. Persian (also Osmanli) tank ("a harp or guitar, particularly played by women") is probably derived from Chinese Zen ^ ("a harpsichord with twelve brass strings"). == Walrus ==31. One of the most interesting Chinese loan-words in Persian is xutu (khutu), from Chinese ku-tu (written in various ways), principally denoting the ivory tooth of the walrus. This subject has been dis- ____________________ <references/> 1 In Sugnan, a Pamir language, it occurs as tux (Salemann, in Vostocnye Zam'atki, p. 286). 2 Shaw, Turkl Language, Vol. II, p. 76. 3 Radloff, Wort, der Turk-Dial., Vol. Ill, col. 1425. 4 Recherches sur les langues tatares, p. 303. 5 See K'an-hi sub jfe. 6 Yule, Hobson-Jobson, p. 214. Under the Emirs of the Khanat Bukhara there was the title toksaba: he who received this title had the privilege of having a tug carried before him; hence the origin of the word toksaba (Veliaminof-Zernof, Melanges asiatiques, Vol. VIII, p. 576). Cf. also a brief note by Parker (China Review, Vol. XVII, p. 300). 7 Ch. 50, p. 6. 8 Terminologie, p. 420.  [566] cussed by me in two articles.1 Vullers2 gives no less than seven definitions of the Persian word: (i) cornu bovis cuiusdam Sinensis; (2) secundum alios cornu rhinocerotis; (3) secundum alios cornu avis cuiusdam permagnae in regno vastato, quod inter Chinam et Aethiopiam situm est, degentis, e quo conficiunt anulos osseos et manubria cultri et quo res venenatae dignosci possunt; (4) secundum alios cornu serpentis, quod mille annos natus profert; (5) secundum alios cornu viperae; (6) secundum alios cornu piscis annosi; (7) secundum alios dentes animalis cuiusdam. Of these explanations, No. 3 is that of al-Akfani, and the bird in question is the buceros. No. 4 is a reproduction of the definition of ku-tu-si in the Liao Annals ("the horn of a thousand-years-old snake"). How the Persians and Arabs arrived at the other definitions will be easily understood from my former discussion of the subject. In the Ethiopic version of the Alexander Romance are mentioned, among the gifts sent to Alexander by the king of China, twenty (in the Syriac version, ten) snakes' horns, each a cubit long. 3 Meanwhile I have succeeded in tracing a new Chinese definition of ku-tu. Cou Mi Ml $? (1 230-1320), in his Ci ya Van tsa Pao* states, "According to Po-ki fS ^,5 what is now styled ku-tu si # $§ JP is a horn of the earth (ti kio i& m, 'a horn found underground'?)." He refers again to its property of neutralizing poison and to knife-hilts made of the substance. In the edition of the Ko ku yao lun* the text regarding ku-tu-si is somewhat different from that quoted by me in T'oung Pao (19 13, p. 325). Ku-tu-si is not identified there with pi-si, as appears from the text of the Pxei wen yiinfu and Pen ts'ao kan mu, but pi-si is a variety of ku-tu-si of particularly high value. ____________________ <references/> 1 Arabic and Chinese Trade in Walrus and Narwhal Ivory (T'oung Pao, 1913, PP- 3 I 5~364, with Addenda by P. Pelliot, pp. 365-370); and Supplementary Notes on Walrus and Narwhal Ivory (ibid., 1916, pp. 348-389). Regarding objects of walrus ivory in Persia, see pp. 365-366. 2 Lexicon Persico-Latinum, Vol. I, p. 659. 3 E. A. W. Budge, Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, p. 180; likewise his translation of the Syriac version, p. 112 (Syriac edition, p. 200). In the Syriac occurs another gift from China, "a thousand talents of mai-kdsl" (literally, "waters of cups"). Budge leaves this problem unsolved. Apparently we face the transcription of a Chinese word, which I presume is *mak, mag 3H (at present mo), "China ink." In Mongol and Manchu we find this word as bexe, in Kalmuk as beke. 4 Ch. A, p. 29 b (ed. of Yiie ya fan ts'un Su). 5 Surname of Sien-yu £'u j$ -^ fl^ calligraphist and poet at the end of the thirteenth century (see Pelliot, T'oung Pao, 1913, p. 368). 6 Ch. 6, p. 9 b (ed. of Si yin hiian ts'un $u).  [567] The Chinese Gazetteer of Macao1 contains the following notice of the walrus (hai ma): "Its tooth is hard, of a pure bright white with veins as fine as silk threads or hair. It can be utilized for the carving of ivory beads and other objects." Finally I have found another document in which the fish-teeth of the Russians are identified with the tusks of the walrus (morse). This is contained in the work of G. Fletcher, "The Russe Common Wealth," published in London, 1591, 2 and runs as follows: "Besides these (which are all good and substantiall commodities) they have divers other of smaller account, that are natural and proper to that country: as the fishe tooth (which they cal ribazuba), which is used both among themselves and the Persians and Bougharians, that fetcht it from thence for beads, knives, and sword hafts of noblemen and gentlemen, and for divers other uses. Some use the powder of it against poyson, as the unicornes home. The fish that weareth it is called a morse, and is caught about Pechora. These fishe teeth, some of them are almost two foot of length, and weigh eleven or twelve pound apiece." 3 ____________________ <references/> 1 Ao-men li lio, Ch. B, p. 37. 2 Ed. of E. A. Bond, p. 13 (Hakluyt Society, 1856). 3 The following case is interesting as showing how narwhal ivory could reach India straight from the Arctics. PietrodellaValle (Vol. I, p. 4, Hakluyt Soc. ed.), travelling on a ship from the Persian Gulf to India in 1623, tells this story: "On Monday, the Sea being calm, the Captain, and I, were standing upon the deck of our Ship, discoursing of sundry matters, and he took occasion to show me a piece of Horn, which he told me himself had found in the yar 161 1 in a Northern Country, whither he then sail'd, which they call Greenland, lying in the latitude of seventysix degrees. He related how he found this horn in the earth, being probably the horn of some Animal dead there, and that, when it was intire, it was between five and six feet long, and seven inches in circumference at the root, where it was thickest. The piece which I saw (for the horn was broken, and sold by pieces in several places) was something more than half a span long, and little less than five inches thick; the color of it was white, inclining to yellow, like that of Ivory when it is old; it was hollow and smooth within, but wreath'd on the outside. The Captain saw not the Animal, nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea, for, according to the place where he found it, it might be as well one as the other; but he believed for certain, that it was of a Unicorn, both because the experience of its being good against poyson argu'd so much, and for that the signes attributed by Authors to the Unicorn's horn agreed also to this, as he conceiv'd. But herein I dissent from him, inasmuch as, if I remember aright, the horn of the Unicorn, whom the Greeks call'd Monoceros, is, by Pliny, describ'd black, and not white. The Captain added that it was a report, that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America, not far from that Country of Greenland; and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in Greenland, a neighbouring Country, and not yet known whether it be Continent or Island; and that they might sometimes come thither from the contiguous lands of America, in case it be no Island. . . . The Company of the Greenland Merchants of England had the horn, which he found, because Captains of ships are their stipendiaries, and, besides their salary, must make no other profit of their Voyages; but whatever they gain or find, in case it be known, and they conceal it not, all accrues  [568] The term pi-si has been the subject of brief discussions on the part of Pelliot1 and myself. 2 The Ko ku yao lun, as far as is known at present, appears to be the earliest work in which the expression occurs. Hitherto it had only been known as a modern colloquialism, and Pelliot urged tracing it in the texts. I am now in a position to comply with this demand. T'an Ts'ui W. 4F, in his Tien hai yii hen ci, 3 published in 1799, gives an excellent account of Yun-nan Province, its mineral resources, fauna, flora, and aboriginal population, and states that pi-kia-si Ml ft 3 or pi-hia-pi H it *ifc or pi-si H $u are all of the class of precious stones which are produced in the Mon-mi t'u-se S $? i. ^ of Yunnan. 4 It is obvious that these words are merely transcriptions of a non-Chinese term; and, if we were positive that it took its startingpoint from Yun-nan, it would not be unreasonable to infer that it hails from one of the native T'ai or Shan languages. T'an Ts'ui adds that the best pi-si are deep red in color; that those in which purple, yellow, and green are combined, and the white ones, take the second place; while those half white and half black are of the third grade. We are accordingly confronted with a certain class of precious stones which remain to be determined mineralogically. == 32 ==32. The Persian name for China is Cm, Cmistan, or Cinastan. In Middle Persian we meet Saini in the Farvardin Yast and Sini in the Bundahisn,5 besides Cen and Cenastan.6 The form with initial palatal is confirmed, on the one hand, by Armenian Cen-k', Cenastan, Cenbakur ("emperor of China"), Zenazneay ("originating from China"), lenik ("Chinese"), and, on the other hand, by Sogdian Cynstn (Cina- ____________________ <references/> to the Company that employes them. When the Horn was intire it was sent to Constantinople to be sold, where two thousand pounds sterling was ofler'd for it: But the English Company, hoping to get a greater rate, sold it not at Constantinople, but sent it into Muscovy, where much about the same price was bidden for it, which, being refus'd, it was carry'd back into Turkey, and fell of its value, a much less sum being now proffer'd than before. Hereupon the Company conceiv'd that it would sell more easily in pieces then intire, because few could be found who would purchase it at so great a rate. Accordingly they broke it, and it was sold by pieces in sundry places; yet, for all this, the whole proceed amounted onely to about twelve hundred pounds sterling. And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it, and this was it which he shew'd me." 1 T'oung Pao, 1913, p. 365. 2 Ibid., 1916, p. 375. 3 Ch. I, p. 6 (ed. of Wen yin lou yii ti ts'un $u). Title and treatment of the subject are in imitation of the Kwei hai yii hen ci of Fan C'eh-ta of the twelfth century. 4 T'u-se are districts under the jurisdiction of a native chieftain, who himself is more or less subject to the authority of the Chinese. 5 Cf. J. J. Modi, References to China in the Ancient Books of the Parsees, reprinted in his Asiatic Papers, pp. 241 et seq. 6 Hubschmann, Armen. Gram., p. 49.  [569] stan). 1 The parallelism of initial I and 5 corresponds exactly to the Greek doublet SZvat and Qlvai ( = Cinai), and the Iranian forms with c meet their counterpart in Sanskrit Cina (Cina). This state of affairs renders probable the supposition that the Indian, Iranian, and Greek designations for China have issued from a common source, and that this prototype may be sought for in China itself. I am now inclined to think that there is some degree of probability in the old theory that the name "China" should be traceable to that of the dynasty Ts'in. I formerly rejected this theory, simply for the reason that no one had as yet presented a convincing demonstration of the case; 2 nor did I become converted by the demonstration in favor of Ts'in then attempted by Pelliot.3 Pelliot has cited several examples from which it appears that even under the Han the Chinese were still designated as "men of the Ts'in" in Central Asia. This fact in itself is interesting, but does not go to prove that the foreign names Cina, Cen, etc., are based on the name Ts'in. It must be shown phonetically that such a derivation is possible, and this is what Pelliot failed to demonstrate: he does not even dwell for a moment on the question of the ancient pronunciation of the character ts'in at?. If in ancient times it should have had the same articulation as at present, the alleged phonetic coincidence with the foreign designations would amount to nothing. The ancient phonetic value of ^ was *din, *dzin, *d2in (jin), *d2'in, with initial dental or palatal sonant; 4 and it is possible, and in harmony with phonetic ____________________ <references/> 1 R. Gauthiot, T'oung Pao, 1913, p. 428. 2 T'oung Pao, 1912, pp. 719-726. 3 Ibid., pp. 727-742. The mention of the name Cina in the Arthacastra of Canakya or Kautilya, and Jacobi's opinion on the question, did not at all prompt me to my view, as represented by Pelliot. I had held this view for at least ten years previously, and Jacobi's article simply offered the occasion which led me to express my view. Pelliot's commotion over the date of the Sanskrit work was superfluous. I shall point only to the judgment of V. A. Smith (Early History of India, 3d ed., 1914, p. 153), who says that "the Arthagastra is a genuine ancient work of Maurya age, and presumably attributed rightly to Canakya or Kautilya; this verdict, of course, does not exclude the possibility, or probability, that the existing text may contain minor interpolations of later date, but the bulk of the book certainly dates from the Maurya period," and to the statement of A. B. Keith (Journal Roy. As. Soc, 1916, p. 137), "It is perfectly possible that the Arthacastra is an early work, and that it may be assigned to the first century B.C., while its matter very probably is older by a good deal than that." The doubts as to the Ts'in etymology of the name "China" came from many quarters. Thus J. J. Modi (Asiatic Papers. p. 247), on the supposition that the Farvardin YaSt may have been written prior to the fourth or fifth century B.C., argued, "If so, the fact that the name of China as Saini occurs in this old document, throws a doubt on the belief that it was the Ts'in dynasty of the third century B.C. that gave its name to China. It appears, therefore, that the name was older than the third century B.C." 4 In the dialect of Shanghai it is still pronounced dzin.  [570] laws, that a Chinese initial d% was reproduced in Iranian by the palatal surd c. It is this phonetic agreement on the one hand, and the coincidence of the Sanskrit, Iranian, and Greek names for China on the other, which induce me to admit the Ts'in etymology as a possible theory; that the derivation has really been thus, no one can assert positively. The presence of the designation Ts'in for Chinese during the Han is an historical accessory, but it does not form a fundamental link in the evidence. == Alexander Romance ==33. The preceding notes should be considered only as an outline of a series of studies which should be further developed by the cooperation of Persian scholars and Arabists familiar with the Arabic sources on the history and geography of Iran. A comprehensive study of all Persian sources relating to China would also be very welcome. Another interesting task to be pursued in this connection would be an attempt to trace the development of the idealized portrait which the Persian and Arabic poets have sketched of the Chinese. It is known that in the Oriental versions of the Alexander Romance the Chinese make their appearance as one of the numerous nations visited by Alexander the Great (Iskandar). In Firdausi's (935-1025) version he travels to China as his own ambassador, and is honorably received by the Fagfur (Son of Heaven), to whom he delivers a letter confirming his possessions and dignities, provided he will acknowledge Iskandar as his lord and pay tribute of all fruits of his country; to this the Fagfur consents. In Nizami's (1141-1203) Iskandarndme ("Book of Alexander "), Iskandar betakes himself from India by way of Tibet to China, where a contest between the Greek and Chinese painters takes place, the former ultimately carrying the day.1 In the Ethiopic version of the Alexander story, "the king of China commanded that they should spread out costly stuffs upon a couch, and the couch was made of gold ornamented with jewels and inlaid with, a design in gold; and he sat in his hall, and his princes and nobles were round about him, and when he spake they made answer unto him and spake submissively. Then he commanded the captain to bring in Alexander the ambassador. Now when I Alexander had come in with the captain, he made me to stand before the King, and the men stood up dressed in raiment of gold and silver; and I stood there a long time and none spake unto me."2 The Kowtow (k'o-fou) question was evidently not raised. It is still more amusing to read farther on that the king of China made the ambassador sit by his side upon the couch,— an impossible situation. The Fagfur sent to Alexander garments of finely woven stuff, one hundred pounds ____________________ <references/> 1 Cf. F. Spiegel, Die Alexandersage bei-den Orientalen, pp. 31, 46. 2 E. A. W. Budge, Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, p. 173.  [571] in weight, two hundred tents, men-servants and maid-servants, two hundred shields of elephant-hide, as many Indian swords mounted in gold and ornamented with gold and precious stones of great value, as many horses suitable for kings, and one thousand loads of the finest gold and silver, for in this country are situated the mountains wherefrom they dig gold. The wall of that city is built of gold ore, and likewise the habitations of the people; and from this place Solomon, the son of David, brought the gold with which he built the sanctuary, and he made the vessels and the shields of the gold of the land of China.1 In the history of Alexander the Great contained in the "Universal History" of al-Makin, who died at Damascus in 1273-74, a distinction is made between the kings of Nearer China and Farther China.2 The most naive version of Alexander's adventures in China is contained in the legendary "History of the Kings of Persia," written in Arabic by al-Ta'alibi (961-1038) . 3 Here, the king of China is taken aback, and loses his sleep when Alexander with his army enters China. Under cover of night he visits Alexander, offering his submission in order to prevent bloodshed. Alexander first demands the revenue of his kingdom for five years, but gradually condescends to accept one third for one year. The following day a huge force of Chinese troops surrounds the army of Alexander, who believes his end has come, when the king of China appears, descending from his horse and kissing the soil (!). Alexander charges him with perfidy, which the king of China denies. "What, then, does this army mean? "-"I wanted to show thee," the king of China replied, "that I did not submit from weakness or owing to the small number of my forces. I had observed that the superior world favored thee and allowed thee to triumph over more powerful kings than thou. Whoever combats the superior world will be vanquished. For this reason I wanted to submit to the superior world by submitting to thee, and humbly to obey it by obeying thee and complying with thy orders." Alexander rejoined, "No demand should be made of a man like thee. I never met any one more qualified as a sage. Now I abandon all my claims upon thee and depart." The king of China responded, "Thou wilt lose nothing by this arrangement." He then despatched rich presents to him, like a thousand pieces of silk, painted silk, brocade, silver, sable-skins, etc., and pledged himself to pay an annual tribute. Although the whole story, of course, is pure invention, Chinese methods of overcoming an enemy by superior diplomacy are not badly characterized. ____________________ <references/> 1 Ibid., p. 179. 2 Ibid., pp. 369, 394. 3 H. Zotenberg, Histoire des rois des Perses, pp. 436-440.